Defeat Islamic State with culture war: Kean & Hamilton

It has been the stated policy of the United States to “degrade and destroy” the Islamic State or ISIL. Yet, our current strategy has not devoted enough military means to significantly degrade the extremist group’s strongholds in Iraq and Syria nor, more importantly, has it developed the raft of informational, political and economic measures that would be needed to destroy it.

We must continue to aggressively contain ISIL and reduce the territory it controls, especially key cities and population centers, but we cannot do it alone. The announcement that Turkey will more substantively participate in the coalition against ISIL is welcome news, but is not likely to be enough, by itself, to dislodge the Islamic State from its strongholds. While we do not believe the United States should undertake a massive military deployment to Syria, an increased commitment of key assets — special forces, trainers, and air controllers — will give policymakers greater leverage in urging other partners to join the fight and could help shift regional dynamics.

But simply stopping ISIL’s advance will do nothing to staunch its appeal or limit its threat. The military alone cannot eradicate ISIL’s real source of power: the ideological fervor it stokes, which has led an estimated 20,000 foreign fighters from 90 countries to join its ranks.

ISIL’s danger to the United States comes from its ability to inspire violent ambitions of individuals inside our homeland who are vulnerable to the message of extremism. Last month, the FBI arrested a man in Boston for reportedly plotting a series of attacks inspired by ISIL propaganda. According to Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson, the United States will face an increasing number of these types of lone-wolf terror attacks inspired by ISIL. They are examples of the evolving nature of the terrorist threat: these groups no longer strive for large-scale attacks like 9/11 and are instead focused on a series of smaller deadly attacks in the West.

Military efforts can help to reduce the Islamic State's numbers and maybe even thwart a few of these attacks, but cannot stop the spread of ideas and the cultivation of the next generation of adherents. The United States must therefore focus on dismantling ISIL’s poisonous ideology and exposing its false claim to authority.

But this will be no easy feat. ISIL’s slick use of social media allows it to instantly spread ideas to a much larger audience than its predecessors, reaching tens of thousands with a single tweet. Moreover, the U.S. government is neither seen as a credible voice nor a practical avenue for disseminating counter-messaging within the circles that ISIL typically tries to reach. Attempts to counter ISIL propaganda, like the State Department’s largely unsuccessful Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC), have lacked a clear and compelling counter-narrative that would appeal to and address the grievances of those most susceptible to radicalization.

The United States should instead focus on identifying reliable, local counter-narrators and amplify their voices across different platforms. Members of local communities, viewed as more trustworthy and culturally aware, have a vital role to play in developing counter-narratives to ISIS that resonate within the communities that are being targeted by the extremist group.

Members of communities vulnerable to ISIL’s recruiting efforts must also feel empowered to identify signs of radicalization and intervene before it escalates. Partnering with law enforcement to offer training and encourage information sharing will provide local communities with the knowledge and tools needed to recognize and appropriately respond to warning signs.

Finally and perhaps most importantly Middle Eastern countries must address the political, social, and economic malaise that gives rise to radicalization. A lack of economic opportunity, the lack of a safety net and ineffectual governance have created a sense of hopelessness, leaving ISIL and other extremist groups to fill the vacuum. Many recruits defect to ISIL because it seems the only group to promise a better life.

This is a battle that our regional allies must take up and lead themselves. But we cannot expect them to do so without a long-term commitment from the United States and the West. We must make clear that we are willing to work closely with partners in the Middle East to develop, help fund, and sustain needed reforms. More emphasis on improving governance, economic development, education, and a social safety net in the region will belie the extremist argument that an Islamic State is the only viable alternative.

The United States needs to recommit to its principles and develop a comprehensive, long-term strategy that addresses the complexity of the ISIS threat. Focusing on community-based counter-extremism strategies, both at home and abroad, is the most effective way to burst the types of ideologies that ISIL tries to spread. We must also support governments, organizations, and individuals that are taking active measures to defeat extremist ideology and to improve conditions in the region. Without simultaneously addressing the socio-economic roots of vulnerable populations, counter-terrorism efforts will continue to fail.

Former New Jersey Gov. Tom Kean and former Rep. Lee Hamilton were 9/11 Commission chair and vice chair. They are co-chairs of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s National Security Program.

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