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Why the Arab States won’t take in Syrian refugees: Column

Gulf States claim terrorist threat as excuse to keep out Syrian refugees, but religious intolerance underlies shameful failure.

Mohammad Ahmad

The discovery of three-year-old Aylan Kurdi's body on a Turkish beach on Sept. 2 pricked the conscience of the world. Everyone wants to do something. However, many people are perplexed that the Arab states, despite their geographical proximity, historical links and shared religion and language with Syrian refugees are not making any significant contribution to the resettlement of those refugees in their lands.

Syrian refugees in Lesbos, Greece, on Sept. 29, 2015.

Arabs themselves share this surprise. They can’t understand this inaction when a quarter of a century ago, thousands of Kuwaitis were given refuge in the Gulf after the Iraqi invasion. They have expressed their dismay over the situation on social media. On Twitter, the Arabic hashtag that translates to #WelcomingSyrianRefugeesIsaGulfduty has provided them a place for expressing the indignation many Arabs feel when they witness European states such as Germany and Britain taking in thousands of refugees while their governments sit idle.

A recent post expresses the distress: It shows a photo of a drowned refugee with the comment: “It is shameful that they have to roam all about God's earth and drown in the seas while fleeing death when we are supposed to be closer to them than the West.”

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In the meantime, Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan share the bulk of the 4.1 million Syrian refugees who have fled a civil war that has killed more than 250,000 and displaced more than 7 million. The wealthiest Arab countries have formally taken in no Syrian refugees, arguing that doing so would open them up to the risk of terrorism.

To placate citizens who feel compassion for the Syrian refugees, Arab governments point to the money they have given to help Syrian refugees. Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait have been among the world's largest donors to Syrian refugees, via United Nations agencies and private charities.

While aid through the U.N. and its agencies is verifiable, the portion given through private charities is not. While Kuwait has provided $784 million through the U.N. since 2012 and the UAE more than $350 million, these amounts are still less than the almost $800 million from Britain or the $3 billion the U.S. has provided.

The Arab states’ argument about the risk of terrorists entering their lands is a lame one. Any significant movement has been in the reverse direction. The Syrian resistance has had the tactical support of the Arab states, which share the resistance leaders’ doctrinal agenda. These pseudo-Islamist leaders have little interest in destabilizing the Arab States that are funding them, especially when their most important immediate goal is a victory in Syria. The threat of state-sponsored terrorism by Syria’s Assad government is also far-fetched since Syria’s ruler has his hands full fighting for his survival.

The real reason for this inhuman blocking of Syrian refugees is different. The Syrians have lived under secular governments far too long for the comfort of the Arab states. While Syrian rulers may have been undemocratic, they did protect religious freedom for most groups. As a result, many Syrians accept religious plurality and are more inclusive than exclusive. This does not fit in with the doctrinal rigidity of the ruling Arab elite.

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That the Syrians share a common language makes them dangerous in the eyes of some Arab rulers. They fear that refugees could dangerously pollute the minds of subjects who are kept under strict religious monitoring although even the Quran says, “Admonish thou then; thou art but an admonisher. Thou art not over them a warden.”

Additionally, figures in some of these Arab states have made inflammatory statements about Syrian refugees, many of whom are Alawites, Christians or  Druze. Given how things operate in these states, it is difficult to assume that these have been made in contradiction to government policies.

A sermon delivered by the pseudo-Islamist Saudi cleric Sa’ad Ateeq al Ateeq in Doha’s state-controlled Grand Mosque called for the destruction of the faithful of other religions: “Allah, strengthen Islam and the Muslims, and destroy your enemies, the enemies of the religion,” he said. The preacher went on to say, “Allah, destroy the Jews and whoever made them Jews, and destroy the Christians and Alawites and the Shiites.” Not very long ago, Saudi Arabia's highest Islamic authority, Sheikh Abdul Aziz Bin Abdullah, called for the destruction of "all the churches in the (Arabian peninsula)." Such sentiments from the pulpit by quasi-official figures provide a good insight into the mindset of Arab rulers. In that light, their decision to block the entry of Syrian refugees makes perfect sense.

This refusal by the Saudi-led Arab States to bar Syrian refugees hasn’t just resulted in misery to hundreds of thousands of people. It has also provided an opportunity to Christian-majority states to again help Muslims in dire need. In the seventh century, early Muslim refugees were also helped by the Christian kingdom of Aksum, present-day Ethiopia and Eritrea (formerly referred to as Abyssinia). This act of kindness is remembered by all Muslims with extreme thankfulness. Pope Francis’ guidance to his flock regarding Syrian refugees — “Every Catholic parish, every religious community, every monastery, every sanctuary in Europe should accommodate one family, beginning with my diocese of Rome" — reminds one of that kind, long-ago gesture by the Christian king of Abyssinia.

The pseudo-Islamist extremists have been trying to portray humanity’s war against terrorism as a clash of civilizations and religions. Humane treatment of the Syrian refugees would go a long way in countering their propaganda. The best case scenario would be for Israel, which borders Syria, to open its borders to the refugees. While this is probably too much to hope for, it would be a death blow to the extremists. Is Israel prepared to take this giant leap to befriend Muslims?

Mohammad Ahmad is a director of a company in Lahore, Pakistan.

In addition to its own editorials, USA TODAY publishes diverse opinions from outside writers, including our Board of Contributors.To read more columns like this, go to the Opinion front page.

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